Unknown
Liberian
Dan Mask, 20th c. CE
wood
11 in.
SBMA, Gift of Allen Gerdau
1971.86.3
RESEARCH PAPER
BACKGROUND OF DAN TRIBE:
The Dan tribes, numbering approximately 350,000, are a farming people inhabiting the West African forest region of northwestern Ivory Coast and eastern Liberia. Their neighbors are the Mano, Gere, and Kono. Life today for the Dan people is quite different than what it was before central and national governments assumed control. Then people lived in constant fear of being attacked, taken as slaves, and even eaten, as cannibalism was common. Within such an unstable environment, the only way a person could survive was to aim for individual prominence and to make oneself so important that he would have to be kept alive. Prestige was enormously important. This emphasis on personal value is still strong today, for the Dan strive to obtain distinction in their villages by making a good name for themselves; and numerous secret societies, such as the Snake society of doctors, are designed to promote success in life.
To understand the Dan masking tradition, one must mention the complex institution of the Poro Society, a political institution found in West Africa in which all the men of a tribe are involved and everyone has a recognized place in its hierarchy. Most sources researched assume that what the Dan has is Poro, but this is not the case according to UCSB's Dr. Herbert Cole, professor of African art who agrees with the leading authorities Fischer and Himmelheber. "The Dan are as proud of not having the institution of Poro as the people with Poro (e.g., the Kpellef Toma, Konor) are of having it. The Dan do practice an initiation into the forest...but do not have strict age grading or a hierarchy of secret ranks in an all-male society." (Fischer, 9) Furthermore, Dan beliefs associated with the circumcision camp do suggest that a youth becomes a man by being circumcised, but one does not find with the Dan the custom of body tattooing associated with this change as in the Poro. Like many West African peoples, the Dan believe that their world is divided between the village and the bush or forest called bon. The village represents civilization, including women, man-made equipment, and domesticated animals; the forest, in contrast, represents the domain of wild animals, spirits, and raw materials. Near each Dan village a patch of virgin forest is left intact for forest spirits to live and remain nearby, bestowing blessings on the human realm of the village.
This sacred place is where important people are buried and where the Dan practice their initiation into the forest, called bush school. It is in this realm of the spirits that boys and girls undergo puberty rituals (circumcision for boys, excision for girls) and instruction in Dan traditions.
DAN MASQUERADES:
The tradition of masking is very complex; a wealth of forms, styles, and motifs exist. To better understand the tradition, the concept of "du" must be explained. The Dan believe that all living people, animals, and spirits are "the manifestation of power particles (or spirit-souls) named du." (Fischer, 18) Wandering around the sacred forest are certain invisible "du" spirits, which are not satisfied with their bodiless nature and wish to assume physical form in order to participate in the human world (the village) by helping, teaching, and entertaining the people. Such a spirit appears in a dream to a man chosen from the village. The man is told to commission a wooden face mask, the spirit giving exact instructions on how it should look and be made. The completed mask is the incarnation of the spirit (its physical form) and the man who had the dream becomes the mask's owner and performer of the masquerade. Thus, when the masker, called "gle-zo", dons the mask with its costume of raffia, fur, and feathers (the materials from the spirits realm) he is the spirit materialized, performing whatever function and in a fashion the spirit has designed. The "gle-zo" speaks in unrecognizable bestial sounds and noises and must be accompanied by a translator who interprets what the mask is saying to the audience. Musicians may also accompany "gle-zo".
Within the Dan society, as in most African societies, a strong separation of the sexes exists, a dichotomy much like their separation of village and bush. Likewise, since Dan masks mirror society, it is interesting to note that "masks seem to reflect through their principal characters both the conflicting and the complementary separation of men and women." (Delange, 54) Indeed, this separation of the sexes can be seen in the two categories of Dan face masks: (1) a female type, and (2) a masculine type. The female masks generally act in a gentle manner, have oval outlines, narrow slit eyes, and are considered
beautiful. In contrast, male masks show pentagonal outlines, tube-like eyes, and act in a fearsome, vigorous, and aggressive manner. Animal masks are included within this second category.
Experts distinguish, within these two broad categories, major types of masks with specific costumes, manners of performance, names, and functions. However, masks may deviate from these major types for a number of reasons: (1) mask spirits, like human beings, have mixed characteristics; (2) a mask's function and prestige can change during its lifetime of use because it reflects the status of its owner; (3) names are often misleading because the same type of mask often has a different name depending on where it is used or for what purpose; and (4) when a mask is handed down in families, often surviving generations of men, changes can occur.
The Dan believe that the "du" spirit is operative in the mask whether it is worn or not, so it is unthinkable to discard old face masks that stop appearing in masquerades. If a mask becomes old or decayed through use, but it still functions properly for the community (meaning its spirit is still powerful), a new mask can be made by a carver and its power transferred to the new mask via a ritual ceremony.
It is not only the face mask, but also the headdress that indicates to the observer the nature of the masquerade. There are three types of headdresses made of red fabric and decorated with glass, cowry shells, and fur: (1) “ke son” (conical shape), (2) “komo” (round), and (3) “blavie” (a broad frontal shield). These may be worn by entertainment masquerades or any masks fulfilling a minor social function. “Blüh” and “bule” are headdresses made of cotton wigs worn by buffoon-like characters, and “gblua” is the feather helmet worn by war masquerades.
Dan artists seek a number of aesthetics in sculpting masks. They love polished surfaces and strive for symmetry, gracefulness, simplicity, and naturalistic forms. The expression of smiling is a basic aesthetic represented by the female type of mask with slit eyes. All masks start out with green wood. Their smooth surfaces are achieved through shaving and scraping the wood down with a sharp knife and then rubbing the surface with a certain fig leaf that is covered with hooked spines. When the masks are completed, they receive repeated applications of a vegetable pigment, which blackens them.
DESCRIPTION AND STYLE OF SBMA'S DAN MASK 1971.86.3:
This mask has been blackened but the light brown color of its natural wood shows through in certain areas of the face. Its oval shape, high rounded forehead, pointed chin, and slit eyes indicate it is of the female type that has been rendered in a realistic manner. The mouth, carved out from the mask, shows two aluminum teeth painted red set at an angle in the small mouth opening. Also visible are raised ridges along the inner edge of the mask, perhaps depicting tattoo marks. Holes along the outer edges of the mask indicates attachment points for its particular headdress. The remains of dried sacrificial residue on the crown indicates this mask was ritually fed. Ritual feeding is a common practice among African societies where objects of power, such as masks, are highly regarded. Typical sacrifices consist of chicken blood, water, and chewed kola nuts, the African symbol of hospitality.
Our mask is an example of a female type called “deangle”, often used to mean smiling mask. Because there is no median line down the forehead but there are ridges along the edges of the mask, this “deangle” probably comes from the northern Dan region where we see the same characteristics. The “deangle” is associated with the boys’ circumcision camp and would be worn by men in the bush school to teach initiates Dan traditions; therefore, it can also be called “bonagle”. The masks’ other function is to procure food from the village women to take back to the boys and men in camp. Through an interpreter, the mask asks for the food, all the time laughing and joking with the women. Women do not fear the mask because of its beautiful appearance and pleasant manners. It is important to the masker that women like him because he transacts the business between the bush school and the women. Since the mask comes in close contact with women, its narrow slit-eye design allows the masker to see clearly and also keeps his identity a secret. This mask neither sings or dances and has no accompanying musicians. Its probable costume would include a tall conical hat decorated with cowry shells, glass beads and a full grass or raffia skirt over a fabric cloak, with cowtail flywhisks carried in the hand.
DESCRIPTION AND STYLE OF SBMA'S DAN MASK 80.106.1:
This wooden mask with its smooth worn patina takes the form of an oval-shaped human face with rounded convex forehead, convex cheeks, and raised eye-brow lines. Where the eye brow lines come together in the center of the face, a large animal's beak projects out from the face. Attached to the sides of the beak is monkey's fur and hide. The black monkey's hair is quite dense and is peppered with a mixture of gray and white hairs. A moveable lower jaw, made from another kind of wood, is attached to the mask with partial remains of a red fabric covering it along with more monkey's fur. No teeth appear in the masks mouth. The narrow slit-eye openings are emphasized with small pieces of metal attached with nails and a kaolin-type pigment appears at the sides of the eyes. A nail sticking out of the forehead and one near the jaw plus the holes along the edges of the mask indicate attachment points where the headdress would have been attached. Museum experts describe the mask to be of excellent quality and workmanship.
Fischer and Himmelheber call the mask “gegon”, meaning male masquerade, which is employed exclusively by the northern Dan. Other sources call it a baboon entertainer mask. Its probable costume would include a raffia fiber skirt over a striped cloth with a tall cylindrical hat of the “blavie” type, decorated with glass, cowry shells, cloth, fur, and white feathers, further emphasizing a heavy, bird-like appearance. This entertainer mask dances with arms outstretched and upward, like he is trying to leave the ground, or with his body bent forward with his head miming a bird pecking the ground, which characterizes a large anthropomorphic hornbill, probably a toucan. Throughout West Africa, the toucan is thought of as an exceptional being and northern Dan myths tell of the bird as a great culture hero. Harley points out that "the combination of human and animal features in these masks is visible expression of the attempt to recognize spirit power as having both human and animal attributes." (Harley, 30) Fischer and Himmelheber suggest that although “gegon” is an entertainer for the northern Dan today, with its entourage of drummers, singers, and a special gong player, at one time, it probably functioned in an instructive role.
CONCLUSION:
As we have seen, the forms and functions of Dan masquerades is a complex study. Because masquerades often change their roles during their careers, it is impossible to definitely assign specific functions to any Dan mask which has been removed from its masquerade context and isolated in a museum collection.
Prepared for the Santa Barbara Museum of Art Docent Council by Marsha J. Barr, March, 1984.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS:
Bodrogi, Tibor. Art in Africa. New York: McGraw—Hill Book Co., 1968.
Brain, Robert. Art and Society in Africa. London: Longman Group Ltd., 1980.
Delange, Jacqueline. The Art and Peoples of Black Africa. New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1974.
Himelheber, Hans. Negerkunst und Negerkunstler. Braunschweig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1960. (My appreciation to docent Verina Viehe for translating parts for me from German to English)
Leuzinger, Elsy. Africa: The Art of the Negro People. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1960.
Leuzinger, Elsy. The Art of Black Africa. Greenwich, Connecticut: New York Graphic Society Ltd., 1972.
Segy, Ladislas. African Sculpture Speaks. 4th ed. New York: Da Capo Press, Inc., 1975.
Underwood, Leon. Masks of West Africa. London: Alec Tiranti, 1974.
Wassing, Rene S. African Art: Its Background and Traditions. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1968.
Willet, Frank. African Art: An Introduction. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1971.
Wingert, Paul S. Primitive Art: Its Tradition and Styles. New York: Oxford_University Press, 1962.
PERIODICALS:
Fischer, Eberhard, "Dan Forest Spirits: Masks in Dan Villages," African Arts Magazine, Vol. ll, no. 2, January 1978, pp. 16-23, 94.
Harley, G. W., "Masks as Agents of Social Control in Northeast Liberia," Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 32, no. 2, 1950, pp. 3-43.
Harley, G. W., "Notes on the Poro in Liberia," Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 19, no. 2, 1941, pp. 3-32.
Seligman, Thomas K. "Animism and Islam: A Mask from Northeast Liberia," Apollo, February 1980, Vol. 111, no. 216, pp. 143-145.
Sieber, Roy, "Masks as Agents of Social Control," African Studies Bulletin, Vol. 5, no. 2, May 1962, pp. 8-13.
Wells, Louis T. Jr., "The Harley Masks of Northeast Liberia," African Arts Magazine, Vol. 10, no. 2, January 1977, pp. 22-27, 91-92.
EXHIBITION CATALOGUES:
Cleveland Museum of Art, "African Tribal Images: Katherine White Reswick Collection," by William Fagg, 1968.
Columbia University, New York, Department of Art History and Archaeology, "African Art as Philosophy," April 1974.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, "For Spirits and Kings; African Art from the Paul and Ruth Tishman Collection," ed. Susan Vogel, 1981.
Museum of Cultural History Galleries, University of California Los Angeles, "Image and Identity; The Role of the Mask in Various Cultures," April ll-June 3, 1972.
Museum Reitberg Zurich, "African Sculpture: A Descriptive Catalogue," by Elsy Leuzinger, 1963.
Museum Reitberg Zurich, "The Arts of the Dan in West Africa," 1984, by Eberhard Fischer and Hans Himmelheber, English version of "Die Kunst der Dan," 1976, by Eberhard Fischer and Hans Himmelheber, trans. Anne Buddle, ed. Susan Curtis. (My appreciation to Dr. Herbert Cole, UCSB professor of African Art for the loan of this catalogue).
National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C., "African Art in Motion: Icon and Act in the Collection of Katherine Coryton White," April 28-August 18, 1974. See Chapter 3, no. 1, "Dan Masks and the Forces of Balance," by Robert Farris Thompson, pp. 159-170.
New York Pace Primitive and Ancient Art, "African Spirit Images and Identities," April 24-May 29, 1976, by Leon Siroto.
SBMA CURATORIAL LABELS
Although all are spirits from the wilderness and given form in the dreams of living men, no Dan mask can be definitively identified as to name or role without data collected in the field when the mask itself was collected, as masks change their roles and names as they age. They may begin as entertaining masks or those used by teachers in boys’ initiations, but with increasing age, they can increase in status and power, as this one probably has, as evidenced by the medicinal materials on the upper forehead. Such masks embody spirit power harnessed to bring both mystery and order to Dan village life. As possible in this case, they may be no longer danced, but rather, are housed in shrines and attended only by priests who can handle their powers, to punish or judge, for example, without negative effects.
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